Glenn Beck’s American History Museum Exhibit goes on the road in Utah
This past week, we’ve watched Blaze TV with great interest – and some dismay – as host Glenn Beck takes his American History Museum exhibit on the road to St. George, Utah.
Beck is the first to admit he wasn’t initially a history fan. To be fair, he was raised in a Democrat household. His interest grew as he discovered the facts of American history through the purchase of historical documents and artifacts. We believe the first of many of these documents was the original draft of the Declaration of Independence in Thomas Jefferson’s own handwriting. The draft includes a very long passage denouncing slavery, which was ultimately voted down by a minority of the 55-person Second Continental Congress in Philadelphia in 1776.
This discovery was new to Beck. We learned it about from Mom and found it in a gift-shop book at Monticello years and years ago.
Only New York abstained from signing the Declaration. In actuality, few of the delegates were actually present on July 4, 1776. John Hancock signed the letter on behalf of the Second Continental Congress. Charles Thomson, Secretary of the Second Continental Congress signed as witness, from Philadelphia itself. All that was necessary for the adoption of the Declaration of Independence was a quorum (a percentage of delegates).
Ultimately, the Declaration was not signed by the other delegates until Aug. 2, 1776. Some were away on business, others had reservations about signing it. The New York delegation abstained altogether from signing it because the delegates claimed they had not received authorization from Albany to do so.
Nevertheless, the letter was quickly dispatched to King George III with the signature of John Hancock speaking boldly for the 13 colonies. The adoption was “unanimous” except for New York.
The Second Continental Congress made a grave error in agreeing to a “unanimous” vote on the Declaration which would have long-term, devastating consequences for the country by the middle of the next century, when the issue of slavery was resolved by blood rather than law. Law eventually skulked along in the trail of thousands of dead Union soldiers.
A unanimous vote is in no way a democratic action; it is collectivism. Remember when Saddam Hussein claimed victory with a “100 percent” vote? No one in a democracy would be expected to agree on all terms. Fearing that South Carolina, Georgia (and New York) would remain with Great Britain, giving England a foothold for war in the Colonies, the 2nd Continental Congress acquiesced to these very undemocratic terms of “unanimity” in order to keep the colonies united – under the yoke of slavery in the South.
A unanimous vote is usually demanded by the party in the weaker numerical position, holding the majority hostage to its minority decision. It is how modern courts operate today. All decisions must be “unanimous”. This sort of “unanimity” destroys debate, freedom of speech and freedom of conscience.
“Four score and seven years later,” the United States was brought to the calamity of a Civil War, which brings us to the second of historical errors on the part of Glenn and his historical mentors, David Barton, the founder of WallBuilders, a pro-family organization, and his son, Tim.
We only just covered this topic about two weeks ago. Juneteenth, that is June 19, 1865, is the date that the Texas legislature abolished slavery legally. The last Confederate forces had surrendered earlier that month in Galveston, Texas, on June 2, 1865,
According to an article in The Independent Sentinel on June 2, 2023:
On May 26, 1865, Federal commanders accepted the surrender of the last major organized Confederate force still in the field.
Confederate General Edmund Kirby Smith commanded the Trans-Mississippi District, in which the Army of the West was assigned to cover western Louisiana, Missouri, Arkansas, the Indian Territory (now Oklahoma), Texas, and the territories of New Mexico and Arizona. The army had not been much of a fighting force since its failed Missouri incursion last fall, but Smith urged his men to continue resisting nonetheless:
In early May, Smith rejected a proposal from Major General John Pope, commanding the Federal Department of the Missouri, to surrender under the same terms that Ulysses S. Grant had given Robert E. Lee, William T. Sherman had given Joseph E. Johnston and E.R.S. Canby had given Richard Taylor. Two days later, Smith reported that most of his 50,000 men had “dissolved all military organization and returned to their homes.”
Nevertheless, Smith continued holding out while other Confederate commanders gave in. Brigadier General M. Jeff Thompson, the “Swamp Fox of the Confederacy” who had harassed Federals in Missouri and Arkansas throughout the war, surrendered the remnants of his brigade at Chalk Bluff, Arkansas. Major General Samuel Jones surrendered his small command in Florida at Tallahassee. And notorious raider William C. Quantrill was mortally wounded in Spencer County, Kentucky, thereby ending most of the guerrilla warfare in the border states.
Finally realizing that Federal numbers might be too overwhelming, Smith called a conference with the exiled governors of Louisiana, Missouri, Arkansas, and Texas at Marshall, Texas, on the 13th. Smith told the attendees that it was his duty to hold out “at least until President Davis reaches this department, or I receive some definite orders from him.” Smith was still unaware that Jefferson Davis had been captured.
The governors disagreed, considering it “useless..” However, Brigadier General Joseph O. “Jo” Shelby, one of Smith’s lieutenants, threatened to arrest his superior if he followed the governors’ advice and surrendered. The men ultimately decided to appoint Louisiana Governor Henry W. Allen to go to Washington to try negotiating a settlement.
The governors disagreed, considering it “useless..” However, Brigadier General Joseph O. “Jo” Shelby, one of Smith’s lieutenants, threatened to arrest his superior if he followed the governors’ advice and surrendered. The men ultimately decided to appoint Louisiana Governor Henry W. Allen to go to Washington to try negotiating a settlement.
Finally realizing that Federal numbers might be too overwhelming, Smith called a conference with the exiled governors of Louisiana, Missouri, Arkansas, and Texas at Marshall, Texas, on the 13th. Smith told the attendees that it was his duty to hold out “at least until President Davis reaches this department, or I receive some definite orders from him.” Smith was still unaware that Jefferson Davis had been captured.
Two days later, Smith refused a second overture from Pope to surrender. Pope’s messenger offered Smith a choice between unconditional surrender or “all the horrors of violent subjugation.”
Smith told the man that he could not “purchase a certain degree of immunity from devastation at the expense of the honor of its (the Confederacy’s) army.”
Meanwhile, in Washington, Grant sent Major General Philip Sheridan to destroy what remained of Smith’s army. Sheridan asked to stay in Washington to participate in the Grand Review, but Grant insisted that he leave immediately. Grant explained that not only would Sheridan be forcing Smith’s surrender, but he would also be discouraging France from colonizing Mexico in violation of the Monroe Doctrine. Sheridan’s fearsome reputation for pillage and destruction would surely precede his arrival.
Smith soon received word both that Sheridan was coming and Jefferson Davis had been captured. With his army rapidly disbanding, he decided to finally negotiate.
He dispatched his chief of staff, Lieutenant General Simon B. Buckner, to discuss peace, not with Pope at St. Louis but with Major General E.R.S. Canby at New Orleans. Smith did not expect Buckner to make that decision without consulting him on what terms he could expect.
Buckner and Canby began conferring on the 25th, and the next day Buckner made that decision without consulting Smith.
He surrendered the Confederate Army of the West to Canby’s chief of staff, Major General Peter J. Osterhaus, under the same terms Grant had given Lee. As fate would have it, Buckner had surrendered the first Confederate army at Fort Donelson in 1862, and now he surrendered the last.
Smith arrived in Houston on the 27th and learned that his army had been surrendered the day before.
He refused to endorse the agreement, and on the 30th he issued a final order to his few remaining men in the form of an admonition: “Soldiers! I am left a Commander without an army– a General without troops. You have made your choice. It was unwise and unpatriotic, but it is final. I pray you may not live to regret it.”
Smith finally relented and signed the articles of surrender on June 2, aboard the steamer Fort Jackson at Galveston. Those who refused to give up were paid in gold and mustered out, including Jo Shelby and others hoping to continue the fight from Mexico. Smith himself would join them later.
The surrender of E.K. Smith’s Trans-Mississippi District meant that the last significant Confederate fighting force was no more. Some commanders who led small, less organized units continued holding out, including General Stand Watie. Others just went home, ultimately accepting that the war was over at last.
Information via Civil War Months.
Finally, there is the matter of Crispus Attucks in the Boston Massacre in on March 5, 1770.
Crispus Attucks was no hero. He was kind of the Michael Brown (Ferguson, Mo., Aug, 9, 2019) who was responsible for setting St. Louis and its suburbs ablaze, a full year before George Floyd in Minneapolis.
Some silly woman touring Beck’s traveling exhibit nattered on how she’d heard “history” from her mother but that it just sounded like “Blah-blah-blah” from her parental unit, whereas Glenn brought history alive. A very mature attitude.
My mother (and father) taught us American history and my brothers and I had great respect for Mom’s teaching. It was Mom who taught me the truth about the Boston Massacre. Mom was well-read. She She read “Paul Revere & The World He Lived In,” by Esther Forbes. (Paul Revere and the World He Lived In. Forbes, Esther. The Riverside Press, Cambridge, Mass. 1942. 498 pp.)
According to Forbes, three crowds had gathered to listen to orations by American patriots. One incident involved the chopping down of the Liberty Tree. Soon, a call-to-arms went out. A second group the city was on fire and the fire brigades came out.
A third group gathered near Faneuil Hall to listen to a ‘tall gentleman’ in a red cloak and white wig, whom the author gathered, by the description, was probably William Molineaux.
Two hundred able-bodied sailors, porters, and other likely street-fighters were lined up at this time close to Faneuil Hall…to listen…
When the oration was done, the cry went up, ‘To the Main Guard!’ and there were threats to kill all the ‘lobsters’ they could find.
What had been three separate, angry groups now all came together on King Street, milling about in the snow and the moonlight, just in front of the old State House.
Earlier in the evening, a young boy had been knocked down, presumably by members of the 14th [British] garrison. The boy bawled that he was being killed, Forbes wrote.
During the evening, the colonels of the garrison did not restrain their men. More of them than usual were ‘driving the streets’ in small packs. They pushed and cursed at civilians, who got in their way as much as possible and cursed back. The regulars were at their worst, and what John Adams calls ‘the lower classes’ [of British soldiers] were out in force. But by eight o’clock that night the air was so charged with dynamite any flash-in-the-pan would blow the whole town sky high.
Captain Goldfinch, of the Fourteenth, seems to have been a well-disposed young officer, with the failing so fashionable among Eighteenth-Century gentleman of not bothering to pay ‘tradesmen.’ He owed the French barber, Piedmont, quite a bill for shaving him, and Piedmont, unable to get a cent out of him, told one of his apprentices that any money he could squeeze out of Goldfinch he could have for himself.
By eight o’clock, outside Murray’s Barracks on Brattle Street, Goldfinch was standing there as the boy caused a ruckus and the crowd began to gather.
Some soldiers, returning from duty, tried to get down the black and narrow street to their barracks, but found their way blocked. Ensign Mall, in charge of them, lost his head, bade them make way for themselves with bayonets, [and that] ‘he’ll stand by ’em.’ Goldfinch intervened, scolded the ensign and got the men inside the heavy doors of the old sugar house, but a good many blows had been exchanged and both sides were ugly.
Goldfinch himself tried to slip unseen over to King Street,, where the main guard was housed, and see what was afoot. So the Captain, with the ‘greasy’ and diminutive boy bawling at his heels, emerged into the moonlight width of King Street. The child pointed at the officer, roaring out what a bad fellow he was not to pay his bills, also suggesting canine ancestry. The officer paid no need, but it was too much for the solitary sentry stationed outside the custom house.
This man, Montgomery, had been enduring more than the usual amount of snowballs, chunks of ice, oyster shells, sea coal, and provincial wit which as the fate of solitary sentries. For some time he had been muttering and cursing and saying what he’d do if any came within reach of his bayonet. A large crowd had gathered about him to enjoy his spleen, he had not been attacked thus far except by missiles and adjectives. In spite of his threats he had run nobody through. Now he left his box, stepped down, [and] demanded the boy ‘show his saucy face.’
The boy smugly said he wasn’t ashamed of his face and Montgomery (old enough to know better, for he was bald as an egg) hit him a glancing blow which did not even knock the boy down. Instantly, the crowd rushed him, yelling that the bloody-thirsty butcher was murdering the child.
Now, all three angry crowds merged.
Montgomery was now hard-pressed. Besides the usual cries of ‘lobster’ and ‘bloody-back’ there rang in his ears, ‘kill him! Kill him!’
‘If you come near me,’ he panted, ‘I’ll blow your brains out!’
‘Fire and be damned!’ [was the reply]
Montgomery loaded. An enormous mulatto loomed up over him. Crispus Attucks would have frightened any man. He was well over six feet, was part Indian, part negro and part white. His master in Framingham thought well of him. He was forty-seven at this tie. Attucks had a crowd of sailors at his heels and a stick in his hand. He poked at Montgomery and said he’d ‘have off one of his claws.’
The hard-pressed ‘lobster’ did not fire, but he called in a loud voice, ‘Turn out the Main Guard.’ His voice carried across King Street to the guardhouse, through the hubbub of whistles, Indian yells, and jangling bells.
Instantly, a corporal’s guard stepped out of the main guardhouse, followed by Captain Preston, the officer for the day. They had to struggle to cross King Street and reach the sentry, who stepped down and joined the semi-circle of level bayonets presented to his assailants. Captain Preston’s reputation was good. His colonel called him ‘cool and distinct,’ but the judgment that sent only seven men and himself to rescue the sentry poor. Nine men are enough for a target but not enough to overawe a mob.
Someone yelled a Preston to keep his men in order and mind what he was about. The Captain did not answer, but ordered the soldiers to prime and load. The silence at that moment was so complete everyone heard the rattle of the iron ramrods. Preston put his body between the men and the crowd to keep them from firing. Henry Knox, a plump, likeable, twenty-year-old bookseller, grabbed Preston by the arm [and] begged him God’s sake to take his men back; for if he fired, his life must answer for it. Preston said he was ‘sensible to it.’
Now the rumor spread that the guns were not loaded. But when asked, the Captain said they were ‘with powder and ball.’
‘Do you mean to fire upon the inhabitants?’
‘By no means,’ but Knox noticed that he seemed much agitated.
A number of people (Captain Goldfinch among them) were entreating the crowd to go home, not to lose their heads. Instead, they made a sudden, blind rush at the soldiers, those behind pushing on those in front, even jumping on their backs to see.
Crispus Attucks was still muttering about the ‘claws’ he was to get off the lobsters. He hit at Preston with his stick of cordwood, grazed him, but knocked down Montgomery. The two of them fought for a moment for the soldier’s musket. In the melee that followed, Montgomery got it and was up on his feet. Now the ‘motley mob of saucy boys, negroes, mullattoes, Irish teagues and outlandish jacktars’ (to use John Adams’ words) had pushed against the soldiers until you couldn’t get a hat between them. Among the soldiers was Private Kilroy and among the mob, Sam Gray (now out of a job). Kilroy was watching him.
Above the hubbub came the sinister word, ‘Present…’ The struggle went on. And then the fatal command: ‘Fire.’ No one knows who gave the order. Unbiased witnesses close to Preston at the moment, agreed with him and said that he did not
Montgomery, his hat gone, his bald head shining in the moonlight, fired first at Attucks, who got two balls through the chest.
In the end, nine British soldiers shot five men – three dead, including Attucks – out of an estimated crowd of 300 to 400. Paul Revere, a noted Boston silversmith immortalized the Boston Massacre in engravings which he posted about town. In time, the legend of the massacre led to the American Revolution.
The hero of the Boston Massacre was not Crispus Attucks (and it certainly wasn’t Montgomery). The real hero was lawyer John Adams, who defended the British soldiers in court.
Within three weeks a Boston grand jury had indicted Captain Preston, eight of his soldiers and four British civilians who had allegedly fired into the crowd from inside the Custom House for murder. If convicted, they faced execution.
Historians write that Adans clearly knew that taking on this case was dangerous. An angry mob could threaten his family, and should his reputation be tarnished, his ambitions and economic future would be endangered. On the other hand, he strongly believed that the men were entitled to a fair trial and thought that history might view him as a man who put principle above his personal beliefs.
Preston’s trial took place between Oct. 24 and Oct. 30, 1770. Adams argued that Preston had not given the order to fire, and that Preston’s soldiers were provoked by the crowd. The jury ultimately acquitted Preston on the basis of “reasonable doubt” — notably, this was the first time a judge had ever used that term. The soldiers went on trial in November. Here, Adams argued that they acted in self-defense. The jury in that case acquitted six, but found two guilty of the lesser charge of manslaughter. Finally, in December the four civilians went to trial, and all were acquitted.
If you’re going to invoke history, you must absolutely get it straight. That Beck was unaware of these facts and believed Attucks was a black hero of the American Revolution is understandable. But when credited historians don’t know a fact that was once commonly known to the Greatest Generation at least, it means we need to revisit American history.
Do they also realize that Paul Revere and William Dawes did not ride through the midnight countryside shouting, “The Redcoats are coming! The Redcoats are coming’ because the villages were a mix of Loyalists and Patriots? They also didn’t call them “Redcoats”. They rode up to the back doors of farmhouses and villages whispering “the Regulars are coming,” the Regulars who were searching for the hidden arms and munitions of the rebellious Colonists.
Forbes mistakenly identifies William Dawes as the black Midnight Rider who set out along with other Minute Men to warn the villages of the approach of the British Regulars. Dawes was white. Wentworth Cheswell was the African-American rider, who laughed at his role because the British tended to dismiss him as stupid and second-class. Revere was caught; Cheswell was not.
At least the Bartons got that fact right.
Cheswell was a Black American hero of the Revolution. Crispus Attucks, not so much.
Like so many Americans, Glenn takes other people’s word for facts, rather than investigating matters of history for himself, ignoring his own admonitions to “do your own homework.” Every American has not only the right but the civic duty to be a student of American history.
We’re also somewhat concerned that Beck’s tone is tending towards apology. He’s probably focusing a little too heavily on America’s “mistakes” and “faults.” Slavery was the faulty of greedy, corrupt men rationalizing race as an excuse to use slave labor. George Washington predicted that industrialization and immigration would eventually put an end to slavery. Only political legerdermain on the part of Southern states (as well as some northern states like New York and New Jersey, which profited by the slave trade – New Jersey being the last of the original colonies to outlaw the practice) allowed it to continue.
That debt was paid in the blood of hundreds of thousands on battlefields like Gettysburg, Antietam and Shiloh. Another century would pass before resentment on both sides ebbed and that only due to the passage of a notorious Civil Rights Act whose language merely stirred up and exacerbated the old hatreds and endangered our present liberty almost beyond repair.